Monday, January 5, 2009

Disrupting the Cycle of Violence in South Africa: A Look at Two Projects that Aim to Reduce School-based Violence

December 9, 2008

Introduction

Many children in South Africa are born into a culture of violence and have been conditioned to use violent actions as a way of expressing their feelings and emotions.  These children, and the communities that surround them, are predominately poor and lack the opportunities to escape from the cycle of violence that has held them in captivity for so long.  It is the connection between violence, poverty, school systems and the community where strategic interventions that involve the government, non-government organizations and local citizens are greatly needed today.  The focus of this paper is on the cycle of violence embedded in South African culture and the work that two organizations are doing in schools to reduce youth violence.  The first section aims to paint a picture of the culture of violence in South Africa.  It will describe the common perpetrators and victims of violent crime, as well as the factors that lead to school-based violence.  The second section will provide a general overview of the various efforts being used to combat school-based violence in South Africa, as well as describe and compare two specific projects that have worked to reduce violence in and around schools.  The third section will analyze the impact of the two projects on their respective communities, as well as discuss best practices and areas where more emphasis will be needed for future work.     

Violence in South Africa

Who commits crimes?  Who is violated?  What kinds of crimes?

In South Africa there are many stories like Ted’s, a 12-year-old KwaZulu-Natal school student, who while walking to a shop saw his sister’s best friend get shot in the back of the neck for his bracelet. Another story is 11-year-old Mark’s, who while returning home from town with his mother, saw a taxi driver intervene between a quarreling young boy and girl.  After the quarrel, the boy walked up to the taxi driver, took out his gun, shot him in the head and ran away (van Rooyen & Gray, 2000).  These stories are common in cities like Durban, Johannesburg and many other urban areas in South Africa, and most often the source of the crime can be found in and around schools.  In a survey conducted among South African learners between the ages of 13 and 19, 13 percent had experienced and survived gunshot assaults and only 61 percent felt that they were safe at school.  The other 39 percent who do not feel safe are much more likely to take guns and knives to school to protect themselves, and ultimately makes them more susceptible to carrying out a crime in the future (van Rooyen & Gray, 2000).

South Africa is rife with crime, and because the population is so young due to a variety of factors which will be discussed later, most of the crime is committed by and against poor, black, young males.  Research conducted by The Human Science Research Council in 1996 and compiled by Child Protection Unit (CPU) revealed that school-based violence, crime and behavioral issues affects boys more than girls; most criminals who commit and die from crimes of violence are black male youth; black young females are most likely to be affected by rape, child abuse and domestic violence; and violence that affects children is not random, but is usually perpetrated between acquaintances (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999).  The evidence from the CPU research, as well as police reports, shows that school-aged children from poor townships are most susceptible to acts of violence and crime.

The South African Police Service (SAPS) (1999) report on offences against children under 18 years old, between 1994 and 1998, found that rape was the highest reported crime, and doubled from 7,559 cases in 1994 to 15,732 cases in 1998.  Indecent and common assault also had high amounts of reported incidents, with almost 8,000 combined reports in 1998.  Other significantly reported crimes against children were child-care ill-treatment with 3,755 cases and kidnapping with 1,200 cases in 1998 (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999).  These statistics reveal that violence and crime perpetrated against and by children and adolescents are high and will continue to increase.         

Factors that lead to school-based violence and crime

With a multitude of statistics available that describe the high levels of violence and crime by South African youth, the next logical question is, “what are the underlying factors that lead to school-based violence and crime in South Africa?”  There are a variety of factors that cause crime and violence in schools, such as poverty, age, race, sex and gender, boundary disputes, gang warfare, family issues, school performance, substance abuse and the school itself (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999; Harber, 2003).  The IPT writes that the quintessential criminal in South Africa is “a poor young Black male, under 19, from a disadvantaged community, who has a dysfunctional family, a history of victimization, does badly at school, and may be abusing a substance.” (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999: 10).  But why is this the case?  Though all of the above criteria are critical for describing the nature of crime in South Africa, due to limited space I will focus on the continuing effects of apartheid and the school as causes of violence. 

Apartheid and violence

During apartheid in South Africa, there was an absence of formal policing to control the peace and protect black communities from crime and political violence.  In response to this shortage, “militarized youth” were organized to bring security and justice to the streets in South African townships.  After the end of apartheid, and after the first democratic elections in 1994, these militarized youth were still in abundance and had yet to find a productive role in society (Harber, 2003). 

The problem of reintegrating child soldiers or militarized youth back into society can be found in war-torn countries around the world.  Young boys and girls whom were conscripted to fight during their formative years lacked an education, technical skills, and social skills with which to apply to a future career or a productive lifestyle after the conflict had been resolved.  Unfortunately this problem has also proven to be true in South African townships, where many of these previously militarized youth have become frustrated due to a lack of gainful employment opportunities and became involved in violent activities such as robbery, drug trafficking and car-jacking to earn a living (Harber, 2003).  The problem of militarized youth will not be solved any time soon, as it is a part of a larger cycle of violence and poverty.  In a report by the South African Daily News in 1999, about 34 percent of the South African population was under the age of 15 in 1996, and was predicted to increase by five percent in the following decade (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999).  This clearly indicates that youth are at high risk for violence and will continue to be so in the future.

Schools and violence

The community, families and schools are the three main areas where many organizations are focusing their efforts to reduce school-based violence and to improve the livelihoods of community members.  It can be expected that crime and violence are bred in impoverished, marginalized families and communities where few economic opportunities, stable family environments or sense of security exists, but surprisingly it is the schools themselves that are a large reason for continuing the cycle of violence, especially in South Africa. 

Schools have perpetuated violence through their punishment systems, organizational management and tolerance of sexual and racial inequality.  The use of corporal punishment in many South Africa schools is a direct result of the top-down authoritative approach commonly used by teachers and administrators.  In South Africa, it is common to hear educators state that “the teacher knows best, and to learn about what is right and wrong one has to suffer” (Harber, 2003: 80).  John H. Meier discussed the importance of reducing corporal punishment of children: “The roots of much family violence and even much international violence are traceable to violent child rearing and punitive pedagogic procedures” (McKendrick & Hoffmann, 1990: 354).  Though corporal punishment became illegal in South Africa in the late 1990’s, there is evidence that it continues to be widely used today. 

The organizational systems in South Africa are also a reason for creating youth violence.  A majority of African countries run not only their governments, but their schools as well in an authoritarian, centralized, and hierarchical format, and South Africa is no exception.  Stemming from the methods used in schools during apartheid that stressed obedience and student passivity (Harber, 2003), the schools of today continue to discourage participation and democratic processes in their classrooms.  The suppression of students’ critical thinking skills, communication, and creativity leads to a closed environment where problems are not discussed and solutions are not voiced.

Racial and gender inequality is also an issue perpetuated by South African schools.  Inequality is a direct result of the separation between races during apartheid and cannot hope to be fixed quickly (Harber, 2003).  In a report done by the South African Human Rights Commission (1999), it was found in a survey of ten Durban schools that only one school was making an effort to teach and promote diversity and equality in its curricula.  In the other nine schools, most students were divided into their racial cliques throughout the day and racial stereotypes were commonly believed and used against others (Harber, 2003).  Sexism has also been a catalyst for violence in schools, which is evident in the unequal pay of female and male teachers, the preference of “manly” subjects for boys and the emphasis in the curriculum on preparing women for housewifery (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999).  Clive Harber explained that there is a great need for gender equality reform in schools, because

Creating more peaceful schools and a more peaceful society cannot be achieved in South Africa and elsewhere without playing a part in the creation and fostering of forms of masculine identity not predicated on proving manliness through various forms of martial activity, fighting and violence.  (Harber, 2003: 81, 82)

Without working towards equality between blacks, whites, coloreds and indians, as well as between males and females, the unequal control of power by certain races or sexes will continue the cycle of violence in the schools and the country.

Efforts to Combat Violence in South Africa

Three areas of focus for school-based violence interventions: Family, Communities and Schools

Since the end of apartheid in the late 1980’s and South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994, much work has been done by NGOs to bring peace and prosperity to the country, and to end the culture of violence.  Many NGOs work at local or regional levels and target various aspects of society to reduce youth violence, though an interesting observation was made by the Independent Projects Trust (IPT) that while working in school-based violence interventions for almost a decade, they had not collaborated with or knew little of the work that other NGOs were doing in similar or related fields.  The lack of knowledge sharing and the opportunity to share best practices, failures and challenges with other NGOs was significantly stalling their progress (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999).  Their study of multiple initiatives found that there was no single initiative that worked best, but “the implementation of broad based interventions, involving schools, families, communities and other support agencies” (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999: 21) and working in conjunction with each other was an essential element for success.  The various initiatives have targeted their efforts at the family, community and schools, and have even crossed boundaries to increase their effectiveness.

Family, community and school initiatives have been relatively successful in reducing school-based violence and poverty within the Durban and Johannesburg areas, though due to a limited amount of space in this paper, I will discuss the different approaches being used by schools to reduce youth violence in the following section.

NGO strategies to reduce school-based violence

There are a multitude of initiatives designed by NGOs to work with youth to reduce violence throughout South Africa.  These projects and programs have been through various phases of development throughout the post-apartheid years.  Some have been insular in their approaches, yet others have joined forces with NGOs that are working in different capacities to tackle the problem of school-based violence. 

Some programs target youth, but are not always associated with schools.  These include supervision programs that have been created to give youth constructive activities to focus their attention during afterschool hours.  These types of programs include afterschool programs and youth clubs like the African Association of Youth Clubs and the YMCA.  Poverty alleviation programs have also been used to give youth technical and business skills for earning a small income as well as giving them a vision for future employment.  South African NGOs that focus on poverty alleviation are the Joint Enrichment Program, Junior Achievement South Africa and the Twilight Project.  Another subset of programs focuses on building interpersonal skills for youth.  These programs include mentoring partnerships as well as mediation and conflict resolution training.  The United States-based Big Brothers and Sisters and the Cape Town-based Centre for Conflict Resolution are examples that have been effective.  Programs that focus on reducing gang activity and the use of guns in an effort to prevent violence and crime are also widely popular (Palmary, 2003). 

Other programs, as described by a team of researchers at IPT (1999), have been implemented in schools to reduce youth violence in and around the schools.  These programs include safe schools programs that aim to create a safe environment for students to learn and educators to teach; healthy behavior programs that focus on educating students in HIV prevention, safe sex and skills for living healthy lives; democratic school management programs that give students opportunities for more advocacy and participation in a school’s curriculum, discipline and management; alternatives to corporal punishment programs that train teachers how to effectively discipline students without resorting to physical violence; guidance programs that counsel youth after having a traumatic violent experience; and environmental programs that secure the physical safety of the schools through painting, making repairs, cutting grass, graffiti removal, etc (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999).  The implementation of this wide variety of programs varies across South Africa.  Some NGOs focus only on one specific area of violence reduction, while other NGOs specialize and combine two or three of these programs to make the most effective impact in their area.  Within the above listed programs that work to reduce school-based violence, there are two projects that I would like to analyze.

A Tale of Two projects

The first project was developed by the Independent Projects Trust (IPT), which is based in Durban, South Africa.  The project was called the Community Alliance for Safe Schools (CASS), was implemented in 1997 and concluded in 2001 (Griggs, 2002).  This project contained a mixture of safe school, democratic school management, and conflict resolution training programs.  The second project was created by the Johannesburg-based Center for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR).  The project is called the 40 Schools Project, which began in 1996 and focused its efforts on 40 Soweto township schools.  This project includes the creation of safe school plans, conflict resolution and mediation training, guidance counseling and environmental programs (Griggs, 2002).  Below, I will analyze the goals of these two projects, their relative effectiveness in achieving their goals, as well as a comparison of the two projects.

Community Alliance for Safe Schools

A task team known as the Community Alliance for Safe Schools (CASS) was born in 1997 after a meeting led by the Independent Projects Trust (IPT) in Durban.  At this meeting, where more than 40 voluntary, non-government, community-based and government organizations were represented, IPT reported on the high levels of violence prevalent in the Durban-area schools (IPT, 2000). Soon following the meeting, a consensus was reached among the participants that a community-based answer to the problem of violence in schools was greatly needed and a mission statement for CASS was created. 

The CASS mission statement has three objectives.  The first is to build partnerships between people and organizations in the community that will give all of its participants a “sense of ownership” in the schools.  The second objective is to activate members of the community to protect its children.  The third objective is to train and equip school governing bodies with relevant information that will create safe school environments for learners and educators (IPT, 2008).  It is with these three goals in mind that CASS member organizations have worked together to stop the cycle of violence in their communities. 

Within the framework of its mission statement, CASS implemented a two-phase project that ran from 1999 to 2001 called the Pilot Project and the Safe Schools Project.  These projects focused on a small number of schools in the KwaZulu-Natal province and used simple, inexpensive methods to improve school security and safety in a short amount of time (Harber, 2000).  They were also designed to be holistic in nature, and to create accountable people with the skills, structures and partnerships for developing and implementing a school security plan (Griggs, 2002).

The first phase was called the Pilot Project, which ran from April 1999 to October 1999 and was funded by Interfund (Interfund ceased to exist as an organization in 2005).  This project focused on three schools in the Durban area, all of which were located within one to two miles of each other and were all considered to be ‘ordinary’ schools in the South African context.  These schools had had some problems with crime and violence and they were all ethnically diverse.  Workshops, conducted by IPT, were used to teach and train the workshop participants on whole school issues that were raised by an IPT-produced text, titled, “Protecting Your School From Violence and Crime: Guidelines for Principals and School Governing Bodies” (IPT, 1999).  The schools used this text to define their own needs and priorities, and to take action through the design of a school security plan (Harber, 2000).  Between April and October 1999, three workshops were held that included principals, teachers, members of school governing bodies, members of the representative council of learners and the police.  The first workshop hoped to gauge the levels of school security by issuing a 50-point diagnostic questionnaire.  The second workshop focused on the writing of a school security plan.  The third workshop was composed solely of learners, and focused on school safety, negotiation skills, communication skills and group problem solving skills (Harber, 2000).  Evaluation of the project was administered by Clive Harber, and included the use of documentation, observation of the workshops and interviews with the principals, teachers, governing bodies, student representatives and the police (Harber, 2000).

The second phase of the CASS program was called the Safe Schools Project, which ran from November 2000 to April 2001 and was partially funded by the Open Society Foundation.  This project was similar to the Pilot Project, but was expanded to reach 40 schools in the Durban area.  It also differed from the Pilot Project in that it held workshops with each school individually, as well as used an “asset-based approach” that focused on the strengths of the schools involved, rather than the gaps and weaknesses in their performance (Griggs, 2002).  This project also conducted a series of workshops, one of which included management training, the purpose of which being to “create a participative and democratic school management framework based on the development of core skills.” (Griggs, 2002)  To monitor the progress of the interventions, IPT developed a 50-point questionnaire to determine whether the schools had effectively implemented a safety plan.  The questionnaire was also administered at a later date in conjunction with monthly site visits and informal interviews.  There was also an evaluation written by an external evaluator, Kaylene Jackson, based on interviews with workshop participants (Griggs, 2002).

Post-project evaluations found the Pilot Project and the Safe Schools project to be both efficient and effective, as well as having a positive impact on the individuals and communities involved.  The projects also helped to raise important questions that revealed some of the remaining challenges and obstacles to be considered before peace can become a reality in South African schools and communities.  Further analysis on the impact of this project will be discussed later in the section titled, “Impact and further research.”

40 Schools Project

The Center for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) was created in 1989 with the aim of helping South Africa to achieve a smooth transition to democracy.  In 1994, they began working together with four schools in Soweto to create peace with the goal of stopping the “cycle of violence.”  After achieving some success within the four schools, they expanded the project to 40 schools in 1996 and implemented conflict and trauma management training for their learners and educators.  The project was called the 40 Schools Project and was partially funded by the Open Society Foundation.  Though the project had had some success, in 1999 CSVR and the school governing bodies realized that rather than focus on the symptoms of violence, as the original project had, it would be more effective to focus on the causes.  This resulted in the creation of “safety teams” within the schools through various training seminars, provision of materials and facilitation by CSVR and school governing bodies (Griggs, 2002).  The ultimate goal of the programs and activities was to give youth a “voice” with which to express concerns and participate in the decision-making in their respective schools (CSVR, 2008)  

The purpose for the creation of the “safety teams” was four-fold.  The first was to provide teachers with training for working with students who had experienced trauma related to violence, crime or abuse (Griggs, 2002).  The teachers were also trained in alternative methods to corporal punishment, diversity issues, human rights and anti-racism practices (CSVR, 2008).  The second was to provide training for students in peer counseling and mediation skills.  The third was to create partnerships between the schools and the community as a resource and referral base.  The fourth was to develop safe environmental designs for the schools (Griggs, 2002). 

In the end, 38 of the 40 schools implemented safety teams in their schools and many positive effects were a result.  In an internal evaluation conducted in November 2000, CSVR found that the safety teams helped to create a more normalized school environment, built better relationships between the schools and education authorities, created awareness for dealing with crime-related issues, improved students’ leadership skills and increased respect and trust for police (CSVR, 2008). 

A comparison of the CASS and 40 Schools Project: two projects that used school-level interventions to reduce violence

Both the Community Alliance for Safe Schools project and the 40 Schools Project were effectively implemented in their respective communities of Durban and Johannesburg, and both resembled and differed from each other in various ways.  Both projects were similar in that they involved members of the community and families in the process to develop safe schools.  They also involved the South African Police Service (SAPS) in the various training curricula, which helped to reduce much of the negative stigma associated with the SAPS that remained from the apartheid era.  Both projects also clustered schools in groups of two or three during the various training sessions.  The clustering allowed the schools to express difficulties and roadblocks that were hindering success, as well as to share best practices which provided encouragement and a sense of solidarity in the process.

Though both of the projects shared many similarities, there were also variations in their approaches.  In all of the schools where the CASS project was involved, student representatives were included in the training workshops, whereas in the 40 Schools project, only students from the high schools participated in the training workshops.  Though the difference is not a large one, the inclusion of students in the training workshops, even from a young age, gives them a sense of ownership and participation in the process of creating a safe school environment.  Another difference between the projects was that the 40 Schools Project included the creation of an environmental design for each of its schools, which revealed the importance they placed on the physical appearance of a school for making it safe.  A final difference between the two projects was the CASS project’s emphasis on creating a more democratic form of school management.  Many authors agree that the reduction of authoritarian management and an increase in democratic management within South African schools is a key ingredient for successfully creating safer schools (Matthews & Caine, 1998: 118; Experience Review, 1999: 19; Harber, 2003: 82).  In 1992, Kreisberg noted that:

Empowered schools must be educational communities coalesced around a core of values, guided by a sense of hope and possibility, grounded in a belief in justice and democracy.  These communities must nourish the voices of all their members; they must provide contexts in which people can speak and listen, learn and grow, and let go of ideas, in order to move on to better ideas.  (in Matthews & Caine, 1998: 118) 

The many similarities and differences found within these two projects reveal some of the diverse methods and techniques that have been used to reduce violence, crime and conflict in South African schools.  Though these projects appear to have been effective, there are still questions that remain to be answered.  Are these projects achieving their goals to reduce youth violence?  Are they the most effective methods for reducing violence?  What needs to be done to increase the effectiveness of programs like these? Below I will attempt to answer these questions.  

Impact and Further Research

What impact are these projects having on families, schools and communities?

This question is difficult to answer because the impact of these projects cannot be easily quantified or qualified in the short term.  There are many initiatives currently working to reduce conflict and create peace in South Africa, but the impact of “peacebuilding from below initiatives” as Jacklyn Cock (2001) defines projects such as the CASS and the 40 Schools Project, may not have quantifiable or qualifiable results for an entire generation (Cock, 2001).  Though hard statistics will not be available for perhaps another ten years, both CASS and 40 Schools Project are currently moving in the right direction by addressing the roots of violence and crime, rather than the symptoms.  The projects have also realistically attempted to manage conflict and violence, rather than trying to stop it altogether, which historically has tended to overlook many important issues for reducing youth violence (Cock, 2001). 

As seen from the perspective of the participants involved in the projects, short-term results were encouragingly positive.  After the completion of the CASS project, survey results showed that 64 percent of schools had created safety committees and 57 percent had implemented safety plans.  93 percent of educators considered the project to have a moderate impact due to changed perceptions of violence and 71 percent of educators felt that their schools were safer.  A majority of students involved were excited with the outcomes (Griggs, 2002).  There was also evidence from one police station in a CASS community that the levels of crime and violence had decreased after the implementation of the project (Harber, 2000).  The 40 Schools Project was also found to be overwhelmingly successful in the short run.  38 out of the 40 schools developed safety teams and had written safety policies (Griggs, 2002).  Many of the schools also reported that the safety teams were self-sustaining, brought an increased sense of normalization within the schools’ environments, created a better relationship between the schools and the education authorities and increased awareness for dealing with crime and violence-related issues (CSVR, 2008).  

How do crime rates compare from 2001 to 2007?

The post-project survey results from the CASS and 40 Schools Projects revealed relative success within the schools and in the surrounding communities.  In comparing national and provincial crime statistics from 2001 and 2007 by the South African Police Service (SAPS), there seems to be some correlation between the CASS and 40 Schools projects and a reduction in violent crime in South Africa.  Nationally, the overall murder rate dropped 5.7 percent, reported rape incidents dropped 2.6 percent, common assault dropped 4.2 percent and common robbery dropped 11.5 percent (SAPS Crime Report, 2007).  On a provincial level, KwaZulu Natal province, where Durban is located, and Gauteng province, where Johannesburg is located, also showed decreased crime rates.  Within the two provinces between 2001 and 2007, murder, rape, common assault and common robbery declined, with the exception of KwaZulu Natal’s reported rape cases (SAPS KwaZulu Natal, 2007; SAPS Gauteng, 2007).

It has yet to be statistically verified how much impact the above-mentioned safe schools projects have had in decreasing violent crime from 2001 to 2007, though evidence from the 2007 SAPS crime reports reveal that the implementation of these and other violence-reducing initiatives have had a positive effect in reduction of the crime rates throughout South Africa.

What practices need to continue and what new ideas should be considered?

The above SAPS statistics and survey results from the two projects provide us with some encouragement for continuing these types of initiatives in the future.  Though violence and crime levels are declining, the problem of school-based youth violence continues to be an enormous problem in South Africa, and more needs to be done.  Valerie Dovey (1996) reminds us that projects like CASS and the 40 Schools Projects are an essential element for bringing peace to South Africa, but that this work “should be regarded as a long-term process that requires flexibility and openness rather than adherence to rigid preset agendas with schools taking account of their own needs, capabilities, and characters.” (Dovey, 1996: 144)  It was also highly recommended by the Matthews, Griggs and Caine (1999) that the community be included in the process of reducing violence in the schools, because a “lack of community consultation often leads to objections or at best disinterest and programs fail for lack of participation.” (Matthews, Griggs & Caine, 1999: 31)  Nowhere in the research that I conducted, were religious figures or bodies mentioned as a possible resource for reducing youth violence.  Involving churches, mosques, temples and Faith-based organizations (FBO) in the safe schools projects could prove to be an effective method for reducing youth violence.  In Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the Learning and Mentoring Partnerships (LAMP) program, designed by a non-denominational Christian church to provide White suburban mentors for predominately Black and Hispanic urban youth, has proven to be very effective in reducing violence and poverty in one urban neighborhood (www.northway.org/secondary/outreach/lamp.html).  Partnerships between religious actors and schools could be a unique medium for reducing youth violence through the integration of various races, classes and cultures within the still highly segregated South Africa. 

Conclusion

Currently South Africa is ranked as having one of the highest violent crime rates in the world.  This is due to a variety of factors, including post-apartheid racial and class segregation, militarized youth, rapid immigration from many African nations, political unrest and a cycle of violence that continues to gain momentum.  The perpetrators of this violence are predominately impoverished young, black males with little or no education, and the victims tend to be young black females.  Therefore, in bringing peace to and reducing violence in South Africa, efforts must be focused in areas where poor, black youth are concentrated. 

The CASS project and the 40 Schools Project are two projects that have recognized the dire need for stopping the cycle of violence, and have found that the school is a prime training ground for accomplishing this task.  These projects aim to reduce violence through the training of students, educators and community members in mediation and conflict resolution techniques, through increasing the level of democratic participation, through creating a safe environment where teachers and students can feel free and not live in fear, and through connecting families, communities and schools in a tight communication network where information flows freely and smoothly. 

The efforts that these projects put forth have been very successful, but they are in no way complete.  They must rely on coordinated efforts with other local and international organizations, schools, communities, families and the police to accomplish their goals.  They must also create long-term goals for their projects and persevere through the many trials and difficulties inherent in the fight for peace.  For the cycle and culture of violence is not one to be changed in the short run, but only through the constant and combined efforts of the people of South Africa and the world will violence be reduced and peace gained.  


References

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Cock, J.  (2001).  Butterfly wings and green shoots: the impact of peace organizations in South Africa.  Track Two, 10(1), http://www.ccr.uct.ac.za/archive/two/10_1/p04_butterfly_wings.html

CSVR.  (2008).   http://www.csvr.org.za/wits/projects/youth.htm

Dovey, V.  (1996).  Exploring peace education in South African settings.  Peabody Journal of Education, 71(3), 128-150.

Griggs, R.  (2002, September).  Preventing crime and violence in South African schools: A review of learning and good practice from eight interventions.  (pp. 31-39).  Open Society Foundation for South Africa: Claremont, South Africa.

Harber, C.  (2000).  Protecting your school from violence and crime: An evaluation of a one year program.  Independent Projects Trust: Durban, South Africa.

Harber, C.  (2003).  Conflict resolution and peace education in Africa.  (E. Uwazie, Ed.).  Lexington Books: Lanham, Maryland.

Holdstock, T.L.  (1990).  People and violence in South Africa.  (B. McKendrick, W. Hoffmann, Eds.)  Oxford University Press: Cape Town.

Independent Projects Trust (IPT).  (1999, March).  Protecting your school from violence and crime: Guidelines for principals and school governing bodies.  Independent Projects Trust: Durban, South Africa.

IPT.  (2000).  Annual Report.  Independent Projects Trust.

IPT.  (2008).  Brief introduction to the IPT-sponsored Community Alliance for Safe Schools.  http://www.ipt.co.za/safe_schools.asp

LAMP Program.  (2008).  www.northway.org/secondary/outreach/lamp.html

Matthews, I., Griggs, R., Caine, G.  (1999, July 15).  The experience review of interventions and programmes dealing with youth violence in urban schools in South Africa.  Independent Projects Trust.

Palmary, I.  (2003, December 2).  Youth position paper prepared for the crime prevention alliance.  Center for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation: Cape Town.

SAPS Crime Report.  (2007) http://www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2007/april_sept2007/crime_report20062007.pdf

SAPS Crime Report: KwaZulu Natal.  (2007). http://www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2007/april_sept2007/provinces/kzn/kzn_prov_total.pdf

SAPS Crime Report: Gauteng.  (2007). http://www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2007/april_sept2007/provinces/gt/gt_prov_total.pdf

van Rooyen, C., Gray, M.  (2000).  Children and crime.  KwaZulu Natal Newspaper.  

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